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On the Court and Off, GOP’s Hill Has Right Moves

Times Staff Writer

When legislators choose up sides for informal, after-hours basketball games, Frank Hill is among the most sought-after players.

One Democratic colleague joked that the agile 5-foot-10 Whittier Republican is a good ball handler who “can easily move to his left or right” as he scores a basket.

Off the basketball court, Hill’s teammates say that most of his legislative moves are to the right, but that he is just as skilled at scoring political points. In less than five years in the Assembly, Hill has become a top Republican fund-raiser and--although he has no official leadership position--a key adviser to Assembly Minority Leader Pat Nolan (R-Glendale).

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Indeed, the bushy-browed Hill, 34, vice chairman of the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, is regarded as a rising Republican star whose youthful good looks and breezy, straightforward style could catapult him into statewide office.

Assemblyman Gary A. Condit (D-Ceres), chairman of the Governmental Organization Committee, described Hill as “a reasonable, practical political person” and predicted that he would be “a candidate for leadership in the state in the future.”

Known as an Insider

Hill is known as a political insider and strategist who relishes the give-and-take of crossing swords with Democrats.

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“I enjoy the political wheeling and dealing,” Hill said in an interview. “I think I’m good at it.”

In his behind-the-scenes role, Hill in the past year has served as an adviser to other GOP Assembly candidates and helped work out a compromise in delicate negotiations on the controversial bottle bill, which was aimed at promoting recycling.

Hill, who gets high marks from the California Chamber of Commerce for his conservative-leaning voting record, usually lines up with business groups and opposes new state spending. However, Hill, an avid hunter and fisherman, also has attracted praise from environmentalists for his support in their efforts to protect wild rivers in Northern California.

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“He has one of the best understandings that protecting the environment is a bipartisan issue that all Californians care about,” said Corey Brown, lobbyist for the Planning and Conservation League.

But Hill also has his detractors, who privately describe him as being too ambitious and a bit too aggressive in seeking campaign contributions from such special-interest groups as the horse-racing industry. Others, including some in his district, say the Texas native has been insensitive to his district’s growing Latino population, citing his role as a leader in the effort to revamp or reduce a variety of bilingual programs.

At Odds With Brown

In fact, Hill recently has emerged in the public spotlight as the GOP point man on the emotionally charged issue of bilingual education. He has introduced legislation to narrow the scope of existing programs. As a result, he has found himself at odds with powerful Assembly Speaker Willie Brown (D-San Francisco) who has proposed a bill to extend the existing system, which is due to end on June 30.

“The focus of our bilingual system needs to change,” Hill said. “Children want to learn English, yet the current bilingual structure does not allow children to learn English rapidly.”

Hill proposes three key changes in the law: Speed up the time it takes to get non-English speaking students into English-speaking classes; require parents to give permission before students are placed in bilingual classes, and ease requirements for teachers to qualify as bilingual instructors.

But critics contend that Hill, whom they view as pragmatic and open-minded on other issues, has turned into a narrow-minded language policeman on the bilingual issue.

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Shelly Spiegel-Coleman, president of the California Assn. for Bilingual Education, predicted that “without the protection” of current state law “many of the good bilingual programs would be diminished.”

Hill discounts the criticism, saying that his detractors would not support him even if he altered his position.

Discounts Critics

Hill also discounts critics who say he is too ambitious, although he acknowledges that he is interested in seeking higher office, possibly as soon as 1990. He said he views the bilingual issue as a potential springboard. “I plan on running, down the road, and I think it’s an issue that would help,” Hill said.

For now, however, Hill said he plans to seek reelection in 1988 to the 52nd Assembly District seat, which he first captured in 1982. The district stretches from southeast Los Angeles County into the hillside communities overlooking the San Gabriel Valley. It includes Whittier, Diamond Bar, La Habra Heights, Hacienda Heights, Rowland Heights, Walnut, La Mirada and part of West Covina.

Republicans narrowly outnumber Democrats, but the district is regarded as a safe GOP seat because Republicans tend to vote in higher percentages and with more loyalty to their candidates than Democrats. Hill coasted to an easy reelection victory last Nov. 4, capturing 69.1% of the vote.

Nonetheless, Hill last year reported raising nearly $323,000 in campaign contributions, in part, he says, to dissuade Democrats from mounting a strong challenge.

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“The way you make sure that (a strong challenge) doesn’t happen,” Hill said, “is that you raise a lot of money. . . . If I don’t raise it, they (the Democrats) would try and ambush me.”

To head off an ambush, Hill also tries to fly home every Thursday after the Legislature adjourns and stay through the weekend. On one district visit earlier this year, he toured an elementary school to review bilingual programs, met with supporters and attended a Rotary Club luncheon in Whittier where he knew many of the members by their first names.

Familiar Turf

The district is familiar turf to Hill, whose family moved to Rowland Heights when he was in high school. He now lives in Whittier with his wife, 5-year-old daughter and 3-year-old son. Hill described his district as a suburban haven with a large number of homeowners who live in neat middle- and upper-middle-class hillside neighborhoods.

“If you want to go to the big meeting in my district, you go to the opening day of Little League,” Hill said.

As a teen-ager at John A. Rowland High School, Hill was encouraged by a social studies teacher to become active in politics. The teacher gave Hill extra credit for helping state Sen. William Campbell (R-Hacienda Heights) in one of his legislative campaigns.

Hill caught the political bug and majored in political science at UCLA. He had thought of attending law school but in 1977 he decided instead to become an aide to newly elected U.S. Sen. S.I. Hayakawa (R-California).

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Hill, who said he learned enough Spanish as a teen-ager to “get by,” said that working with Hayakawa convinced him that bilingual societies are subject to political and social tensions. As a result, Hill said, he believes in the goal of having one common language spoken in California because it is “the thread that ties different ethnic groups together.”

As one step toward that goal, Hill last year became a key supporter of Proposition 63, the controversial initiative that made English the state’s official language when voters overwhelmingly approved it last Nov. 4.

In Demand as Speaker

At a legislative hearing before the election, Hill complained that bilingual laws--such as those that allow motorists to take driving tests in Chinese--”have eroded the English language in California and we need to turn that pendulum around.”

Now, Hill is in demand as a speaker in other states and on nationwide television, in part because he has taken his fight one step further--pushing for an overhaul of the state’s bilingual education program.

The state’s program was launched in the 1970s to meet federal court rulings. It is aimed at teaching students with limited skills in English to learn the language and work at the same academic level as their English-speaking peers. By 1990, the state Assembly Office of Research has estimated, there will be 654,000 children--at least 14% of the total public school population--with limited English skills.

Last year, Speaker Brown won passage for a five-year extension of the program. But under pressure from Hill and other Assembly Republicans, Gov. George Deukmejian vetoed the measure. Brown has revived his bill this year.

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Brown has assailed Hill’s proposal as “one of no bilingual education at all” and contends that “it leaves only the federal courts and federal laws with which to construct a meaningful plan for teaching children to speak English.”

Brown’s own bill is expected to win Assembly approval and be sent to the Senate. Hill has proposed amending his proposals to Brown’s measure, setting the stage for an Assembly floor fight later this month.

Assailed as ‘Narrow-Minded’

Hill’s views on bilingual education have not escaped criticism. Mila Corral, a member of the Whittier City Elementary School District board of trustees, said Hill has ignored the needs of his district’s Latinos by pushing for changes in bilingual education programs.

“I’m saying he needs to be more sensitive to the Latino community,” said Corral, who also is a field deputy to state Sen. Joseph B. Montoya (D-Whittier). She assailed Hill’s views as “narrow-minded.”

However, Corral gave Hill credit for being accessible and willing to listen to her criticism. “He doesn’t belittle you,” she said. “He’s not an arrogant legislator.”

Sen. Montoya also gave Hill high marks as a “congenial” lawmaker. “My natural tendency is to like him, but . . . being anti-bilingual . . . bothers me,” Montoya said.

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Hill brushed aside the criticism, saying Latino areas of his district supported Proposition 63 by the same margins as predominantly Anglo areas. Further, he assailed his critics for being out of touch with their constituents.

After the passage of Proposition 63, Hill said he would carry bills to require that driving tests, welfare applications, state aid forms and a variety of other state services be made available only in English. But Hill said the bilingual education issue is taking more of his time and he has had to place the other issues on the back burner.

Efforts Unsuccessful

In the past, Hill has carried few bills for specific projects in his district or Los Angeles County. Last year, however, he unsuccessfully pushed a bill, sponsored by Miller Brewing Co., to prevent construction of a high-tech incinerator near Miller’s Irwindale plant. Two years ago, Hill carried a bill that would have opened up the Malibu coastline to oil drilling, but it was shelved.

Hill often gets as much recognition for his help in fashioning bills carried by other lawmakers. He was a key Republican negotiator last year on legislation, which eventually was signed into law, to encourage recycling of beer and soft-drink containers by offering consumers a penny for returning them to neighborhood centers.

Assemblyman Burt Margolin (D-Los Angeles), who carried the measure, said Hill was concerned about the impact of the bill on industry, but sought “to work things out, to reach an accommodation.”

Hill also is known for his political instincts. Former Assembly Minority Leader Robert W. Naylor (R-Menlo Park), who retired last year, said Hill “just has a good sense to know when to fight and when not to fight.”

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As a result, Hill’s counsel is often sought by older, more experienced Republicans, said five-term Assemblyman Gerald N. Felando (R-San Pedro).

“Here I am at 52,” Felando said, “and when I need political advice, I go to a 34-year-old kid” because Hill’s instincts are sound.

Support Switched

However, Hill stubbed his toe as a political consultant last spring. In a hotly contested Republican Assembly primary in the Bakersfield area, Hill and other Assembly GOP members first endorsed Kern County Supervisor Trice Harvey. Then, a few weeks before the primary, they switched their support to Anna K. Allen, a community activist.

Hill reported contributing $30,000 to Allen’s campaign and providing her long-distance advice by telephone. Meantime, he told a reporter for the Bakersfield Californian that he would “drive a stake” through Harvey’s heart to beat him.

Hill’s tough talk disturbed other Republicans. Hill said he regrets the comment. “It was a mistake and I’ve been impressed with Harvey,” who outpolled Allen and went on to win the general election.

Despite the misstep, Hill continues to speak his mind. Earlier this year, Speaker Brown’s bilingual education bill was approved by the Assembly Education Committee, with surprise votes from two Republicans--Assemblymen Richard E. Longshore of Orange and Charles W. Quackenbush of Saratoga, who thought they had won a concession from Brown.

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Almost immediately Hill privately scolded Longshore for being taken in by Brown. “Willie can be impressive,” Hill said. “He puts on his dog-and-pony show, and when you think he’s making concessions he’s just blowing smoke.”

Hill is also not shy about raising campaign contributions for the Republican Assembly caucus. Hill is vice chairman of the Assembly Governmental Organization Committee, which handles bills on liquor, horse racing and other gambling--all industries that are major campaign contributors.

‘He’s Been Helpful’

Assemblyman Condit, chairman of the committee, said, “Frank is a very aggressive” fund-raiser. One lobbyist said that as a member of the GOP leadership, Hill tends to be more visible in raising funds. “He’s been helpful to my clients, so they’re helpful to him,” the lobbyist said.

In the most recent ranking by the state Fair Political Practices Commission last June, Hill was listed as the Assembly GOP’s second highest fund-raiser--behind Nolan. According to Legi-Tech, a computerized information service, Hill listed among his major contributors the California Medical Political Action Committee, $8,000; California Real Estate Political Action Committee, $4,000, and the Los Angeles Turf Club, $2,000.

The Fair Political Practices Commission does not rank legislators by the amount of outside income, but Hill last year reported earning about $33,500 in outside income, honorariums and gifts, including gifts from many special interests affected by decisions made by the Legislature. He also earns $37,105 a year as a legislator, plus $75 a day for each day the Legislature is in session.

In his annual economic disclosure statement filed last month, Hill reported honorariums totaling nearly $20,000 last year, including $3,000 for a speech to Quarter Horse Racing Inc. of Los Alamitos; $2,200 for a speech to the Huntington Park Casino, and $2,500 for a speech to the California Beer & Wine Wholesalers Assn.

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One honorarium of $1,500 was paid to him by G-Tech Corp., the Rhode Island-based gaming equipment firm which has contracts with the California Lottery. G-Tech also paid him $3,170 to fly East and tour its East Coast plant. Hill’s campaign committee reported receiving $5,000 in campaign contributions from G-Tech. Last year the state Lottery Commission awarded a $121-million contract to the firm to create the largest computerized lottery system in the world.

Disclosure ‘Limiting’

Hill said he would support a curb on outside income for legislators--similar to limits imposed by Congress. But Hill maintained that disclosing outside income and campaign contributions is a “limiting factor” for lawmakers.

Unlike most lawmakers, Hill acknowledged that there is a link--perhaps subtle--between campaign contributions and the way he looks at an issue.

He said, “Somebody would be lying to you if they said a $10,000 contribution . . . “ has no impact or “that it’s not in the back of your mind.”

Even so, Hill maintained that he has remained independent and at times voted against contributors. “I guess the bottom line is, and it fits into the English issue, I don’t see my job as a weather vane to be blown around and pushed around either by Latino leaders or somebody who gives . . . campaign contributions.”

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